Dr Abdul Wahid’s Weblog

Highlights from an Interview with Chairman of UK Executive Committee, Dr Abdul Wahid for the September 2007 edition of Islamism digest – The full interview can be found in the print edition of the digest available from www.cfsot.com

ON THE WAR ON TERROR:

Islamism Digest: How is the West trying to perpetuate the so-called War on Terror?

Abdul Wahid: The West’s different strategies in the War on Terror vary from place to place. In the context of Iraq – where the United States is failing badly – the strategy has defaulted to trying to induce a sectarian conflict, not only in Iraq but in the wider Middle East. In the context of Pakistan the West is using the Musharraf regime to fight its military battles there, particularly in the border regions with Afghanistan. In the context of Muslim diasporas in the West, Britain in particular, there is a two-fold strategy. One is a legal strategy designed to reduce the political space for Islamic activism. The other is a so-called ‘hearts and minds’ strategy which is in reality an attempt to impose its own vision of Islam – in other words a compliant and subservient Islam – upon the Muslim community in the West.

ID: Are you referring to attempts to promote quietist Sufi Tariqas [orders or paths] as an alternative to Islamism?

AW: I think that is too generous! They are using the label Sufi to promote a form of Islam that is virtually unrecognisable to a broad spectrum of Muslim opinion, including Sufis. This is an Islam without Shari’a; without Khilafah; an Islam without Islam basically!

ON “TERRORISM”

ID: Can the international community develop a common definition of terrorism?

AW: I think the international community in its present form has no desire to develop a common definition of terrorism primarily because powerful states want to define terrorism according to their own interests. The United States has its own definition of terrorism according to its interests; Russia will use its own and so on and so forth. What we don’t see – and are unlikely to see – is an emergence of a definition that would hold these powerful states to account. A simple definition of terrorism which included the targeting of civilian life for a political cause would be first and foremost applicable to Western states and their military onslaughts on Iraq and Afghanistan and going back many decades and centuries to France in Algeria, Britain in India and countless other examples.

ID: How does Hizb ut-Tahrir define terrorism?

AW: I would look at terrorism from a global and broad-based perspective. We can look at state-sponsored terrorism in Iraq which has so far cost 650,000 civilian lives; we can look at decades of Israeli terrorism in Palestine; we can look at corporate terrorism which subjugates literally billions of people to the volatile forces of the market.

ID: This is interesting since you are extending the definition to include ‘corporate terrorism’. Would you then regard the behaviour of Western drug companies in Africa as a form of terrorism?

AW: Whether it is the drugs companies and their refusal to address the proliferation of AIDS in Africa, or whether it is the food companies that coerce countries to grow crops for export purposes at the expense of the local population having food on their tables, these actions cause immeasurable amounts of suffering and are tantamount to terrorism.

ON MUSLIMS AND FOREIGN POLICY

ID:  Some people contest your argument that foreign policy is the decisive factor in leading a tiny number of Britain’s young Muslim male population to resort to terrorism. They would argue that many of the so-called ‘radicalisation’ factors were present before the interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan. While I don’t want to discuss this in particular I’d like to know what you think the British government can do (aside from changing aspects of its foreign policy) to diminish the terrorism threat to the UK?

AW: First of all, it is important not to underestimate the impact of foreign policy. It is very unfortunate that the new foreign secretary David Milliband has explicitly said that Britain needs to maintain its activist stance in the world; which effectively means its engagement and interference in the Muslim world. Upon his return from Pakistan Milliband explicitly endorsed the actions of the military dictator of Pakistan. So once again we see the British government dealing immorally in its international politics and thinking that no consequence and anger flows from these policies. On the domestic front, the British government’s approach to the Muslim community has been very divisive inasmuch as it has tried to set up rival factions and more broadly the government has isolated the Muslim community by over-emphasising, even exaggerating the security threat in a way that effectively tarnishes that whole community. The government has also tolerated the media’s onslaughts on aspects of Islamic identity (in particular the Islamic Hijab and Niqab) which has further undermined community relations in the UK. Furthermore, the government has tried to reduce the root causes of the security threat to aspects of Islamic ideologies thereby absolving itself of any blame or responsibility.

ID: Supporters and apologists of the British establishment would say that why should the Muslim community in the UK – which only comprises 2% of the total population – have the opportunity to shape this country’s foreign policy.

AW: The first thing I would say is that if the people who hold that view really regarded the Muslim community in Britain as fellow citizens then they would allow them to advance their political opinions openly and without fear of harassment and proscription. The fact is if they wish to silence our opinion, and it would be more honest for them to say so openly. Secondly, the reality in contemporary Britain is that there exists a tiny elite – often representing powerful commercial interests – which determines foreign policy and policy generally in this country. As the war in Iraq proved, it is not the masses that determine policy in this country. A clear majority of the British people were against the Iraq war but the power elites simply ignored their wishes.

ON CAMPAIGN AGAINST Hizb ut-Tahrir

ID: There is renewed media attention on HT’s alleged ‘radicalisation’ function; how do you explain this? Is it a prelude to the party’s proscription?

AW: I think the government realised that proscription is very hard. Indeed, the former Home Secretary John Reid said that there is no evidence that Hizb-ut Tahrir is a violent organisation and on that basis it is difficult for the rest of government to argue forcefully for proscription. In light of this, the tactics have reverted to smear, slander and innuendo to try to discredit the organisation.

ID: It is clear that former members or at least sympathisers of HT, like Shiraz Maher, are leading this campaign. What is the motivation of these individuals and how important are they?

AW: In regards to motivation you’d have to ask them that question. I think it is clear that these people are not significant players. Sudden 180 degrees ideological and political transformations are very strange indeed. But you have to look at the wider picture and recognise the fact that powerful forces in the right and left wings of British politics are against any form of Islamic political activism in this country.

ID: Do you believe these dissidents are part of a wider disinformation campaign against Hizb ut-Tahrir and are you fearful of their activities?

AW: I am not in the slightest bit worried by their activities. I do not know if it is part of a co-ordinated disinformation campaign but it is in the public domain that some of these people [former HT members] have openly admitted communication with the security services. We will get on with our activities and mission as before and will not be deterred in the slightest by smear campaigns.

ID: Leaving the government aside, do you accept that HT has an image problem in the UK dating back to the late 1980s?

AW: If there is a misunderstanding about HT then it is clearly our duty to rectify that.

ID: One key misunderstanding – especially on the part of the media – is that HT wants to extend the Islamic Khilafah to the West. How would you rectify this misunderstanding?

AW: All we can do is to repeat what we have always said. HT’s methodology for the past 50 years has been very open and clear; working for the re-establishment of the Khilafah solely in the Muslim world. We have done this by preparing public opinion at all levels of society to bring change. We have repeatedly clarified that it has never been part of our programme to work for the re-establishment of the Khilafah in the west.

ID: But you work intensively with Muslims in the West. Do you think this heightens suspicions?

AW: Debates about the future politics of the Muslim world are generated in the West. Muslims in the West are part of the Muslim Ummah and need to be part of that debate whether in the West or the world over. Moreover, they regularly travel to Muslim countries and are in constant communication with Muslims in the Islamic world. All of this interaction has a major effect on global Muslim public opinion. Furthermore, our role in the West is to encourage our community to lead a model Islamic life and convey the true message and mission of Islam to the wider community.

ON MUSLIM COMMUNITY IN BRITAIN

ID: What is your ideal Muslim leadership in the UK?

AW: Any effective leadership has to remain independent from government manipulation and interference.

ID: There is now a lot of talk and speculation about the direction of the Muslim community’s development in the UK. How do you see the Muslim community ten years from now?

AW: I think there are several consensuses building up in the Muslim community. One is that isolation is simply not an option. Second, there is a growing realisation that the ideas, values and symbols of Islam are under concerted attack in the UK and that there is a need to defend these ideas and values both intellectually and politically. Third, many Muslims aspire to lead an authentic Islamic life and all available evidence suggests that this trend will intensify in the years to come. This is best epitomised by the battles which Muslim women are constantly having to face in simply following the Islamic dress code.

ID: Do you see engagement and Islamisation as parallel processes in the UK?

AW: Islamisation means Muslims adhering to Islamic values, living as decent and productive citizens in the UK, whilst at the same time standing up to the injustices that take place around the world. If we engage on this basis then we actually have something valuable to offer to the wider society in the UK. After all, many British people often bemoan the erosion of these values in this country.

ID: It seems you want to substitute the word engagement with integration!

AW: The government talks the language of integration but in fact it pursues the politics of assimilation. I think the term engagement is clearer and relieves the Muslim community from the burden of religious-cultural divestment and assimilation.

Dr Abdul Wahid

Chairman UK Executive Committee

Hizb ut-Tahrir

Islamism Digest, Volume 2, Issue 9

September 2007